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31 July 2003 For months, observers on both sides of the Atlantic have been lamenting the crisis in US-European relations. The Iraq war has placed greater stress on the trans-Atlantic partnership than at any time in recent memory - pitting the United States against many of its allies. But the trans-Atlantic partnership is not a zero-sum game. In a global economy and facing global security challenges, the United States and Europe need each other to succeed. Strained trans-Atlantic ties are not good for the United States, Europe, or the world. It is time to move beyond mud-slinging and hand-wringing and start tending to immediate concerns. Two challenges belong at the top of the trans-Atlantic agenda: cooperation on postwar Iraq and working together to complete the round of trade negotiations that began in Doha, Qatar, in 2001. Both are critical issues that offer the potential of great progress if we work together. The past months have made clear that the United States needs help from other nations - including France and Germany - to secure postwar Iraq and to provide legitimacy to its mission. In addition, the United States needs Europe's financial assistance to help rebuild Iraq - a project already estimated to cost between $30 billion and $50 billion a year. Neither will be forthcoming without a meaningful UN mandate and a meaningful channel for Europe's input in dealing with postwar Iraq. The Bush administration should make clear it is willing to relinquish some control in exchange for greater European support. And European leaders should recognize their shared stake in ensuring that Iraq's post conflict reconstruction succeeds. The Doha round of talks, which has been designated ''the development round'' by the World Trade Organization, is geared toward lifting the economies of developing nations. The United States and Europe have a responsibility to make this round of negotiations successful. Progress has been slow. To maintain our credibility, trade ministers must make progress when they meet in Cancun this September. That means the United States and Europe must be willing to open up their markets, particularly with respect to agricultural products, and to reduce domestic subsidies and export subsidies to farmers. We also must quickly settle our differences with respect to developing countries' access to pharmaceuticals to fight diseases such as AIDS. The developing world has no interest in our theological battles. Many in developing countries smile wryly as we argue about multilateralism and unilateralism because as far as they are concerned, we are both unilateralists trying to seek economic advantage and to impose our will on them. The United States and Europe must together take steps to change that view. Progress is possible. After all, Americans and Europeans over the past months have shown they can work together in several areas. The United States together with the EU, Russia, and the UN, is cooperating in implementing the Middle East ''road map.'' NATO has taken over the postwar mission in Afghanistan. The European Union is developing a ''common security doctrine'' that recognizes the necessity of dealing with weapons of mass destruction. At the US-EU Summit in June, agreements were reached on extradition and in other important areas. In spite of bitter trade disputes, both the United States and the EU have managed their disagreements to avoid major damage to our interdependent economies. Yet we must do better. To move forward now and in the future, the United States must recognize that although it has the power to project force unilaterally, it cannot make peace unilaterally. Afghanistan and Iraq prove that. The United States must tone down its rhetoric and treat Europe as a real partner. We must recognize that multilateralism and compromise can be in our national interest and that our rejection of international agreements is costing us prestige and possible support on other matters. We also must recognize that high-level relationships and consultations can lead to progress and can mitigate damage, as evidenced by the handling of our trade disputes. Europe also has responsibilities in moving the relationship forward. Europe cannot hope to be treated as an equal partner on issues where it does not have a common foreign policy; Iraq is an obvious case in point. Europe also must continue to develop its common security doctrine, which will allow us to reach common views on dealing with threats such as weapons of mass destruction and terrorism. And crucially, Europe must recognize that we do have common interests and must work with us to develop a common agenda. Promoting Europe as a counterweight to the United States or as a means to restrain US power in the world will only guarantee constant tension. The United States and Europe do not live in a vacuum. How we relate to
each other has extraordinary ramifications for the rest of the world.
When we work together, much is possible; when we argue, progress stalls.
Iraq and Doha cannot wait. The trans-Atlantic challenge is now. Return to Prior Years News Return to In the News Back to Top^ About | Services | Expertise | Publications | News | Partners
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